a continental form of government, can keep the
peace of the continent and preserve it inviolate from civil wars. I
dread the event of a reconciliation with Britain now, as it is more
than probable, that it will followed by a revolt somewhere or
other, the consequences of which may be far more fatal than all the
malice of Britain.
Thousands are already ruined by British barbarity; (thousands
more will probably suffer the same fate.) Those men have other
feelings than us who have nothing suffered. All they now
possess is liberty, what they before enjoyed is sacrificed to its
service, and having nothing more to lose, they disdain submission.
Besides, the general temper of the colonies, towards a British
government, will be like that of a youth, who is nearly out of his
time; they will care very little about her. And a government which
cannot preserve the peace, is no government at all, and in that
case we pay our money for nothing; and pray what is it that Britain
can do, whose power will be wholly on paper, should a civil tumult
break out the very day after reconciliation? I have heard some men
say, many of whom I believe spoke without thinking, that they
dreaded an independance, fearing that it would produce civil wars.
It is but seldom that our first thoughts are truly correct, and
that is the case here; for there are ten times more to dread from a
patched up connexion than from independance. I make the sufferers
case my own, and I protest, that were I driven from house and home,
my property destroyed, and my circumstances ruined, that as a man,
sensible of injuries, I could never relish the doctrine of
reconciliation, or consider myself bound thereby.
The colonies have manifested such a spirit of good order and
obedience to continental government, as is sufficient to make every
reasonable person easy and happy on that head. No man can assign
the least pretence for his fears, on any other grounds, that such
as are truly childish and ridiculous, viz. that one colony will be
striving for superiority over another.
Where there are no distinctions there can be no superiority,
perfect equality affords no temptation. The republics of Europe are
all (and we may say always) in peace. Holland and Swisserland are
without wars, foreign or domestic: Monarchical governments, it is
true, are never long at rest; the crown itself is a temptation to
enterprizing ruffians at home; and that degree of pride
and insolence ever attendant on regal authority, swells into a
rupture with foreign powers, in instances, where a republican
government, by being formed on more natural principles, would
negotiate the mistake.
If there is any true cause of fear respecting independance, it
is because no plan is yet laid down. Men do not see their way
out?Wherefore, as an opening into that business, I offer the
following hints; at the same time modestly affirming, that I have
no other opinion of them myself, than that they may be the means of
giving rise to something better. Could the straggling thoughts of
individuals be collected, they would frequently form materials for
wise and able men to improve into useful matter.
Let the assemblies be annual, with a President only. The
representation more equal. Their business wholly domestic, and
subject to the authority of a Continental Congress.
Let each colony be divided into six, eight, or ten, convenient
districts, each district to send a proper number of delegates to
Congress, so that each colony send at least thirty. The whole
number in Congress will be least 390. Each Congress to sit and to
choose a president by the following method. When the delegates are
met, let a colony be taken from the whole thirteen colonies by lot,
after which, let the whole Congress choose (by ballot) a president
from out of the delegates of that province. In the next
Congress, let a colony be taken by lot from twelve only, omitting
that colony from which the president was taken in the former
Congress, and so proceeding on till the whole thirteen shall have
had their proper rotation. And in order that nothing may pass into
a law but what is satisfactorily just, not less than three fifths
of the Congress to be called a majority.?He that will promote
discord, under a government so equally formed as this, would have
joined Lucifer in his revolt.
But as there is a peculiar delicacy, from whom, or in what
manner, this business must first arise, and as it seems most
agreeable and consistent that it should come from some intermediate
body between the governed and the governors, that is, between the
Congress and the people, let a CONTINENTAL CONFERENCE be held, in
the following manner, and for the following purpose.
A committee of twenty-six members of Congress, viz. two for each
colony. Two members for each House of Assembly, or Provincial
Convention; and five representatives of the people at large, to be
chosen in the capital city or town of each province, for, and in
behalf of the whole province, by as many qualified voters as shall
think proper to attend from all parts of the province for that
purpose; or, if more convenient, the representatives may be chosen
in two or three of the most populous parts thereof. In this
conference, thus assembled, will be united, the two grand
principles of business, knowledge and power. The
members of Congress, Assemblies, or Conventions, by having had
experience in national concerns, will be able and useful
counsellors, and the whole, being impowered by the people, will
have a truly legal authority.
The conferring members being met, let their business be to frame
a CONTINENTAL CHARTER, or Charter of the United Colonies;
(answering to what is called the Magna Charta of England) fixing
the number and manner of choosing members of Congress, members of
Assembly, with their date of sitting, and drawing the line of
business and jurisdiction between them: (Always remembering, that
our strength is continental, not provincial:) Securing freedom and
property to all men, and above all things, the free exercise of
religion, according to the dictates of conscience; with such other
matter as is necessary for a charter to contain. Immediately after
which, the said Conference to dissolve, and the bodies which shall
be chosen comformable to the said charter, to be the legislators
and governors of this continent for the time being: Whose peace and
happiness, may God preserve, Amen.
Should any body of men be hereafter delegated for this or some
similar purpose, I offer them the following extracts from that wise
observer on governments Dragonetti. "The science" says he
"of the politician consists in fixing the true point of happiness
and freedom. Those men would deserve the gratitude of ages, who
should discover a mode of government that contained the greatest
sum of individual happiness, with the least national expense."
"Dragonetti on virtue and rewards."
But where says some is the King of America? I'll tell you
Friend, he reigns above, and doth not make havoc of mankind like
the Royal Brute of Britain. Yet that we may not appear to be
defective even in earthly honors, let a day be solemnly set apart
for proclaiming the charter; let it be brought forth placed on the
divine law, the word of God; let a crown be placed thereon, by
which the world may know, that so far as we approve as monarchy,
that in America THE LAW IS KING. For as in absolute governments the
King is law, so in free countries the law ought to be
King; and there ought to be no other. But lest any ill use should
afterwards arise, let the crown at the conclusion of the ceremony
be demolished, and scattered among the people whose right it
is.
A government of our own is our natural right: And when a man
seriously reflects on the precariousness of human affairs, he will
become convinced, that it is infinitely wiser and safer, to form a
constitution of our own in a cool deliberate manner, while we have
it in our power, than to trust such an interesting event to time
and chance. If we omit it now, some Massanello [2] may
hereafter arise, who laying hold of popular disquietudes, may
collect together the desperate and discontented, and by assuming to
themselves the powers of government, may sweep away the liberties
of the continent like a deluge. Should the government of America
return again into the hands of Britain, the tottering situation of
things, will be a temptation for some desperate adventurer to try
his fortune; and in such a case, what relief can Britain give? Ere
she could hear the news, the fatal business might be done; and
ourselves suffering like the wretched Britons under the oppression
of the Conqueror.
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