I (Collected Works, vol. 35, 1996), p. 750.

27 Lichtheim, Marxism, pp. 58–60.

1  Clemens Lothar, Prince Metternich, was the leading Austrian statesman from 1809 to 1848 and the architect of the counter-revolutionary Holy Alliance.

2  François Guizot was a French historian and de facto Prime Minister from 1840 to 1848 under the Orleanist ‘July’ monarchy of Louis Philippe.

3  By bourgeoisie is meant the class of modern capitalists, owners of the means of social production and employers of wage labour. By proletariat, the class of modern wage labourers who, having no means of production of their own, are reduced to selling their labour power in order to live [Engels].

4  That is, all written history. In 1847, the pre-history of society, the social organization existing previous to recorded history, was all but unknown. Since then, Haxthausen discovered common ownership of land in Russia, Maurer proved it to be the social foundation from which all Teutonic races started in history, and by and by village communities were found to be, or to have been the primitive form of society everywhere from India to Ireland. The inner organization of this primitive communistic society was laid bare, in its typical form, by Morgan’s crowning discovery of the true nature of the gens and its relation to the tribe. With the dissolution of these primeval communities society begins to be differentiated into separate and finally antagonistic classes. I have attempted to retrace this process of dissolution in: Der Ursprung der Familie, des Privateigenthums und des Staats (The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State) [Engels].

5  Guild-master, that is, a full member of a guild, a master within, not a head of a guild [Engels].

6  ‘Commune’ was the name taken, in France, by the nascent towns even before they had conquered, from their feudal lords and masters, local self-government and political rights as the ‘third estate’. Generally speaking, for the economic development of the bourgeoisie, England is here taken as the typical country; for its political development, France [Engels].

7  In Marx’s later theory of surplus value, he concluded that it is the wor labour power, not his labour, that is sold to the capitalist as a commodity. See ‘Wages, Prices and Profit’, in Marx Engels, Selected Works, Lawrence & Wishart (London 1968).

8  In 1846. See Engels’s article ‘The English Ten Hours Bill’, Marx–Engels, Articles on Britain, Progress Publishers (Moscow 1971), pp. 96–108.

9  i.e. the lumpenproletariat of casual labourers and unemployed, which was very extensive in the cities of nineteenth-century Europe.

10  Of 1830–32.

11  Not the English Restoration 1660 to 1689, but the French Restoration 1814 to 1830 [Engels].

12  The supporters of the restored Bourbon monarchy of 1814–30, representing the landed aristocracy.

13  A literary circle attached to the Tory party. Benjamin Disraeli’s Sybil: or Two Nations, and Thomas Carlyle’s pamphlets, were among its typical expressions.

14  This applies chiefly to Germany where the landed aristocracy and squirearchy have large portions of their estates cultivated for their own account by stewards, and are, moreover, extensive beetroot-sugar manufacturers and distillers of potato spirits. The wealthier British aristocracy are, as yet, rather above that; but they, too, know how to make up for declining rents by lending their names to floaters of more or less shady joint-stock companies [Engels].

15  Sismondi’s Principles of Political Economy first appeared in 1803.

16  In the German editions of the Manifesto there is an additional sentence here which reads (1872): ‘It was bound to appear as idle speculation about the realization of the essence of man.’

17  i.e. the Silesian weavers’ revolt of 1844.

18  It was in reply to Proudhon’s Philosophy of Poverty (1846) that Marx wrote his Poverty of Philosophy (1847).

19  Here, as in other writings of the 1840s, Marx and Engels still used ‘science’ in a now archaic sense of the term, roughly equivalent to the modern ‘doctrine’. Although the substance of their argument remained the same, the change in usage led them later to refer to their own theory as ‘scientific’, in contrast to the utopianism of their predecessors. See, for example, Marx’s Preface to the first German edition of Capital, and Engels’s ‘Socialism: Utopian and Scientific’, both in Marx-Engels, Selected Works, Lawrence & Wishart (London 1968).

20  Phalanstères were socialist colonies on the plan of Charles Fourier; Icaria was the name given by Cabet to his utopia and, later on, to his American communist colony [Engels].

21  This seems to be a reference to the Free Soil movement, which demanded the free distribution of uncultivated land to small farmers.

22  The party then represented in parliament by Ledru-Rollin, in literature by Louis Blanc, in the daily press by La Réforme. The name ‘Social-Democracy’ signified, with these its inventors, a section of the democratic or republican party more or less tinged with socialism [Engels].

23  Kleinbürgerei in the original. ‘Petty-bourgeois conditions’ would be a more accurate translation.

1  The preceding translation of the Communist Manifesto was made by Samuel Moore in 1888, and edited by Engels. His notes are identified in this edition by [Engels]. Besides printer’s errors, inconsistent and old-fashioned punctuation and orthography, a very few linguistic archaisms have also been amended.

2  i.e. the Central Committee, as it is referred to elsewhere.

3  Lassalle personally, to us, always acknowledged himself to be a disciple of Marx, and, as such, stood on the ground of the Manifesto. But in his public agitation, 1862–64, he did not go beyond demanding cooperative workshops supported by state credit [Engels].

4  In fact the International was not officially wound up until 1876, although it effectively ceased to function when the General Council was transferred to New York in 1972.

5  W Bevan, in his address to the TUC Congress, reported in the Commonweal, 17 September 1887.

6  This paper was published by two American feminists, Victoria Woodhull and her sister Tennessee Claflin, whose campaign Marx considered ‘middle-class humbug’ and who were eventually expelled from the International. Sec International Working Men’s Association, Documents or the First International, Lawrence & Wishart (London 1964–66), pp. 323–32. It carried an abridged translation of the Manifesto on 30 December 1871.

7  Alexander Herzen was a Russian philosopher and revolutionary democrat. His paper Kolokol (The Bell) was the leading organ of the Russian emigration in the 1860s. Bakunin’s translation of the Manifesto was in fact published in 1869.

8  Engels celebrates Vera Zasulich for her attempted assassination of the governor of St Petersburg, General Trepov, in 1878. The translation was in fact by George Plekhanov, the founder of Russian Marxism.

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