The statesman
of all periods was apt to be pompous, but even pomposity was less
offensive than familiarity - on the platform as in the pulpit - and
Southern pomposity, when not arrogant, was genial and sympathetic,
almost quaint and childlike in its simple-mindedness; quite a
different thing from the Websterian or Conklinian pomposity of the
North. The boy felt at ease there, more at home than he had ever
felt in Boston State House, though his acquaintance with the
codfish in the House of Representatives went back beyond distinct
recollection. Senators spoke kindly to him, and seemed to feel so,
for they had known his family socially; and, in spite of slavery,
even J. Q. Adams in his later years, after he ceased to stand in
the way of rivals, had few personal enemies. Decidedly the Senate,
pro-slavery though it were, seemed a friendly world.
This first step in national politics was a little
like the walk before breakfast; an easy, careless, genial,
enlarging stride into a fresh and amusing world, where nothing was
finished, but where even the weeds grew rank. The second step was
like the first, except that it led to the White House. He was taken
to see President Taylor. Outside, in a paddock in front, "Old
Whitey," the President's charger, was grazing, as they entered; and
inside, the President was receiving callers as simply as if he were
in the paddock too. The President was friendly, and the boy felt no
sense of strangeness that he could ever recall. In fact, what
strangeness should he feel? The families were intimate; so intimate
that their friendliness outlived generations, civil war, and all
sorts of rupture. President Taylor owed his election to Martin Van
Buren and the Free Soil Party. To him, the Adamses might still be
of use. As for the White House, all the boy's family had lived
there, and, barring the eight years of Andrew Jackson's reign, had
been more or less at home there ever since it was built. The boy
half thought he owned it, and took for granted that he should some
day live in it. He felt no sensation whatever before Presidents. A
President was a matter of course in every respectable family; he
had two in his own; three, if he counted old Nathaniel Gorham, who,
was the oldest and first in distinction. Revolutionary patriots, or
perhaps a Colonial Governor, might be worth talking about, but any
one could be President, and some very shady characters were likely
to be. Presidents, Senators, Congressmen, and such things were
swarming in every street.
Every one thought alike whether they had ancestors
or not. No sort of glory hedged Presidents as such, and, in the
whole country, one could hardly have met with an admission of
respect for any office or name, unless it were George Washington.
That was - to all appearance sincerely - respected. People made
pilgrimages to Mount Vernon and made even an effort to build
Washington a monument. The effort had failed, but one still went to
Mount Vernon, although it was no easy trip. Mr. Adams took the boy
there in a carriage and pair, over a road that gave him a complete
Virginia education for use ten years afterwards. To the New England
mind, roads, schools, clothes, and a clean face were connected as
part of the law of order or divine system. Bad roads meant bad
morals. The moral of this Virginia road was clear, and the boy
fully learned it. Slavery was wicked, and slavery was the cause of
this road's badness which amounted to social crime - and yet, at
the end of the road and product of the crime stood Mount Vernon and
George Washington.
Luckily boys accept contradictions as readily as
their elders do, or this boy might have become prematurely wise. He
had only to repeat what he was told - that George Washington stood
alone. Otherwise this third step in his Washington education would
have been his last.
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