Germany had no confidence in
herself, and no reason to feel it. She had no unity, and no reason
to want it. She never had unity. Her religious and social history,
her economical interests, her military geography, her political
convenience, had always tended to eccentric rather than concentric
motion. Until coal-power and railways were created, she was
mediaeval by nature and geography, and this was what Adams, under
the teachings of Carlyle and Lowell, liked.
He was in a fair way to do himself lasting harm,
floundering between worlds passed and worlds coming, which had a
habit of crushing men who stayed too long at the points of contact.
Suddenly the Emperor Napoleon declared war on Austria and raised a
confused point of morals in the mind of Europe. France was the
nightmare of Germany, and even at Dresden one looked on the return
of Napoleon to Leipsic as the most likely thing in the world. One
morning the government clerk, in whose family Adams was staying,
rushed into his room to consult a map in order that he might
measure the distance from Milan to Dresden. The third Napoleon had
reached Lombardy, and only fifty or sixty years had passed since
the first Napoleon had begun his military successes from an Italian
base.
An enlightened young American, with
eighteenth-century tastes capped by fragments of a German education
and the most excellent intentions, had to make up his mind about
the moral value of these conflicting forces. France was the wicked
spirit of moral politics, and whatever helped France must be so far
evil. At that time Austria was another evil spirit. Italy was the
prize they disputed, and for at least fifteen hundred years had
been the chief object of their greed. The question of sympathy had
disturbed a number of persons during that period. The question of
morals had been put in a number of cross-lights. Should one be
Guelph or Ghibelline? No doubt, one was wiser than one's neighbors
who had found no way of settling this question since the days of
the cave-dwellers, but ignorance did better to discard the attempt
to be wise, for wisdom had been singularly baffled by the problem.
Better take sides first, and reason about it for the rest of
life.
Not that Adams felt any real doubt about his
sympathies or wishes. He had not been German long enough for
befogging his mind to that point, but the moment was decisive for
much to come, especially for political morals. His morals were the
highest, and he clung to them to preserve his self-respect; but
steam and electricity had brought about new political and social
concentrations, or were making them necessary in the line of his
moral principles - freedom, education, economic development and so
forth - which required association with allies as doubtful as
Napoleon III, and robberies with violence on a very extensive
scale. As long as he could argue that his opponents were wicked, he
could join in robbing and killing them without a qualm; but it
might happen that the good were robbed. Education insisted on
finding a moral foundation for robbery. He could hope to begin life
in the character of no animal more moral than a monkey unless he
could satisfy himself when and why robbery and murder were a virtue
and duty. Education founded on mere self-interest was merely Guelph
and Ghibelline over again - Machiavelli translated into
American.
Luckily for him he had a sister much brighter than
he ever was - though he thought himself a rather superior person -
who after marrying Charles Kuhn, of Philadelphia, had come to
Italy, and, like all good Americans and English, was hotly Italian.
In July, 1859, she was at Thun in Switzerland, and there Henry
Adams joined them. Women have, commonly, a very positive moral
sense; that which they will, is right; that which they reject, is
wrong; and their will, in most cases, ends by settling the moral.
Mrs. Kuhn had a double superiority. She not only adored Italy, but
she cordially disliked Germany in all its varieties. She saw no
gain in helping her brother to be Germanized, and she wanted him
much to be civilized. She was the first young woman he was ever
intimate with - quick, sensitive, wilful, or full of will,
energetic, sympathetic and intelligent enough to supply a score of
men with ideas - and he was delighted to give her the reins - to
let her drive him where she would. It was his first experiment in
giving the reins to a woman, and he was so much pleased with the
results that he never wanted to take them back. In after life he
made a general law of experience - no woman had ever driven him
wrong; no man had ever driven him right.
Nothing would satisfy Mrs. Kuhn but to go to the
seat of war as soon as the armistice was declared. Wild as the idea
seemed, nothing was easier. The party crossed the St.
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