In France, under the former Government, the punishments
were not less barbarous. Who does not remember the execution of
Damien, torn to pieces by horses? The effect of those cruel
spectacles exhibited to the populace is to destroy tenderness or
excite revenge; and by the base and false idea of governing men by
terror, instead of reason, they become precedents. It is over the
lowest class of mankind that government by terror is intended to
operate, and it is on them that it operates to the worst effect. They
have sense enough to feel they are the objects aimed at; and they
inflict in their turn the examples of terror they have been
instructed to practise.
There is in all European countries a large class of people of that
description, which in England is called the "mob." Of this class were
those who committed the burnings and devastations in London in 1780,
and of this class were those who carried the heads on iron spikes in
Paris. Foulon and Berthier were taken up in the country, and sent to
Paris, to undergo their examination at the Hotel de Ville; for the
National Assembly, immediately on the new ministry coming into
office, passed a decree, which they communicated to the King and
Cabinet, that they (the National Assembly) would hold the ministry,
of which Foulon was one, responsible for the measures they were
advising and pursuing; but the mob, incensed at the appearance of
Foulon and Berthier, tore them from their conductors before they were
carried to the Hotel de Ville, and executed them on the spot. Why
then does Mr. Burke charge outrages of this kind on a whole people?
As well may he charge the riots and outrages of 1780 on all the
people of London, or those in Ireland on all his countrymen.
But everything we see or hear offensive to our feelings and
derogatory to the human character should lead to other reflections
than those of reproach. Even the beings who commit them have some
claim to our consideration. How then is it that such vast classes of
mankind as are distinguished by the appellation of the vulgar, or the
ignorant mob, are so numerous in all old countries? The instant we
ask ourselves this question, reflection feels an answer. They rise,
as an unavoidable consequence, out of the ill construction of all old
governments in Europe, England included with the rest. It is by
distortedly exalting some men, that others are distortedly debased,
till the whole is out of nature. A vast mass of mankind are
degradedly thrown into the back-ground of the human picture, to bring
forward, with greater glare, the puppet-show of state and
aristocracy. In the commencement of a revolution, those men are
rather the followers of the camp than of the standard of liberty, and
have yet to be instructed how to reverence it.
I give to Mr. Burke all his theatrical exaggerations for facts, and I
then ask him if they do not establish the certainty of what I here
lay down? Admitting them to be true, they show the necessity of the
French Revolution, as much as any one thing he could have asserted.
These outrages were not the effect of the principles of the
Revolution, but of the degraded mind that existed before the
Revolution, and which the Revolution is calculated to reform. Place
them then to their proper cause, and take the reproach of them to
your own side.
It is the honour of the National Assembly and the city of Paris that,
during such a tremendous scene of arms and confusion, beyond the
control of all authority, they have been able, by the influence of
example and exhortation, to restrain so much. Never were more pains
taken to instruct and enlighten mankind, and to make them see that
their interest consisted in their virtue, and not in their revenge,
than have been displayed in the Revolution of France. I now proceed
to make some remarks on Mr. Burke's account of the expedition to
Versailles, October the 5th and 6th.
I can consider Mr. Burke's book in scarcely any other light than a
dramatic performance; and he must, I think, have considered it in the
same light himself, by the poetical liberties he has taken of
omitting some facts, distorting others, and making the whole
machinery bend to produce a stage effect. Of this kind is his account
of the expedition to Versailles. He begins this account by omitting
the only facts which as causes are known to be true; everything
beyond these is conjecture, even in Paris; and he then works up a
tale accommodated to his own passions and prejudices.
It is to be observed throughout Mr. Burke's book that he never speaks
of plots against the Revolution; and it is from those plots that all
the mischiefs have arisen. It suits his purpose to exhibit the
consequences without their causes. It is one of the arts of the drama
to do so. If the crimes of men were exhibited with their sufferings,
stage effect would sometimes be lost, and the audience would be
inclined to approve where it was intended they should commiserate.
After all the investigations that have been made into this intricate
affair (the expedition to Versailles), it still remains enveloped in
all that kind of mystery which ever accompanies events produced more
from a concurrence of awkward circumstances than from fixed design.
While the characters of men are forming, as is always the case in
revolutions, there is a reciprocal suspicion, and a disposition to
misinterpret each other; and even parties directly opposite in
principle will sometimes concur in pushing forward the same movement
with very different views, and with the hopes of its producing very
different consequences. A great deal of this may be discovered in
this embarrassed affair, and yet the issue of the whole was what
nobody had in view.
The only things certainly known are that considerable uneasiness was
at this time excited at Paris by the delay of the King in not
sanctioning and forwarding the decrees of the National Assembly,
particularly that of the Declaration of the Rights of Man, and the
decrees of the fourth of August, which contained the foundation
principles on which the constitution was to be erected. The kindest,
and perhaps the fairest conjecture upon this matter is, that some of
the ministers intended to make remarks and observations upon certain
parts of them before they were finally sanctioned and sent to the
provinces; but be this as it may, the enemies of the Revolution
derived hope from the delay, and the friends of the Revolution
uneasiness.
During this state of suspense, the Garde du Corps, which was composed
as such regiments generally are, of persons much connected with the
Court, gave an entertainment at Versailles (October 1) to some
foreign regiments then arrived; and when the entertainment was at the
height, on a signal given, the Garde du Corps tore the national
cockade from their hats, trampled it under foot, and replaced it with
a counter-cockade prepared for the purpose. An indignity of this kind
amounted to defiance. It was like declaring war; and if men will give
challenges they must expect consequences. But all this Mr.
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